Sommaire: 12 May 2009, Brussels - Speech by José Manuel Durão Barroso, President of the European Commission, "Leading by Example: The EU and Global Governance" at the Conference on Global Governance
Distinguished guests,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Let me begin by welcoming you all to this Conference on Global Governance, World Prosperity and Development. It is a pleasure to see so many experts and gathered together, to debate and share ideas on a subject that is higher on the political agenda than ever before.
Until recently, many people felt that the state of affairs in our globalising world was 'normal, certain and permanent'.
Then came the sub-prime crisis, the credit crunch, near financial meltdown, a decline in international trade and a global recession.
Given the enormous gains we have made in recent years - the lifting of millions out of poverty, the increasing interdependence that encourages greater stability and peace - it is vital that the world does not once again turn its back on globalisation, as a result of the global crisis. It is vital that we avoid the mistakes of the past.
There is reason to be confident. So far, the world has resisted the worst displays of protectionism. And there is a shared understanding that this crisis presents a real opportunity for reform. An opportunity to reinforce multilateral governance.
In fact, I would go so far as to say that the financial crisis represents a turning point for global governance, both politically and psychologically; the emergence of the G20 process is one sign of this. But it is up to us, the world community, to grasp this opportunity. If we fail, history will not judge us kindly.
For its part, the EU is certainly playing, and will continue to play, a central role in shaping the new order that is gradually emerging.
Let me explain why.
The EU is a union of states, peoples and citizens based on democracy, the rule of law, human rights and open markets with free competition. It has rejected traditional international politics, based on the threat of violence, in favour of international relations based on supranational laws and institutions.
European institutions are substantially more mature than what we see at the global level. Indeed, the EU is an original construction quite unlike any other before it. Its mechanisms for building consensus and taking joint action make it a role model for a global world order based on the rule of law.
Evidence for this is all around us. The EU's success in promoting stability and prosperity has long operated as a magnet, fostering peace and institutional change through the prospect of enlargement. And let me say very clearly: the enlargement was a great historical achievement; not only in terms of European integration, but in terms of European history in general.
And today, through trade, finance, co-operation in global fora, aid, partnership, conflict prevention and environment protection, the EU is using its size and clout to promote peace, stability and prosperity far beyond its borders.
The multiplication of regional initiatives inspired by the EU also bears witness to the fact that, by showing the successful functioning of a peaceful Union, based on democracy and respect for human rights, Europe is leading by example.
Of course, we face problems and serious global challenges. We also know that the Union is criticized for its cumbersome decision-making process, its need for constant coordination and mutual respect in the laborious search for consensus among a large number of diverse states.
In a very short period of time, the Union grew from 15 to 27 Member States. It is a mistake to imagine that we will have a 'European state'. It will not happen. Moreover, diversity is a virtue. It is a permanent challenge to find a balance between diversity and pluralism, and unity and integration. Precisely because of that, Europe is an example for the world.
It is difficult to see how effective global governance involving sovereign states can be conducted in any other way. So what some see as a disadvantage for the EU today, will come to be seen as an advantage in an emerging, rules-based, world order.
In all the areas being looked at by this conference, the EU will continue to leverage its experience and its unique political architecture and decision-making processes to shape the global agenda.
Take the financial crisis and reform of global finance. The Commission proposal for a common EU position, endorsed by Member States in March, helped us to play a strong and important role at the G20 meeting in London. In fact, the final G20 Communiqué echoed the March European Council Conclusions in more than 20 areas.
We are already acting on those G20 commitments, reflecting our determination to lead by example. After all, it is important that the EU lives up to the standards we expect from our global partners.
Two weeks ago, for example, the Commission unveiled its proposals for a comprehensive and effective regulatory framework for alternative investment fund managers. Such managers, who include managers of hedge funds and private equity funds, have become important participants in the European financial system.
Managing around €2 trillion in assets at the end of 2008, they have had a significant impact on the markets and companies in which they invest.
There is now an emerging global consensus - as expressed by the G20 leaders - on the need for closer regulation in this sector. This package is the first attempt in any jurisdiction to create such a comprehensive framework for the alternative fund industry. It will help to overcome gaps and inconsistencies in existing national regulatory frameworks and provide a secure basis for investors in the future.
More is to come. In two weeks we will present a second package of proposals on financial supervision, to reinforce prudential legislation, rethink incentive structures, strengthen risk management and improve international co-operation.
A third package in mid-June will round off this initial series of financial reform proposals, focusing on capital requirements and securitisation, among other aspects.
And let's not forget the impact of the crisis on the most vulnerable people. As a complement to these technical measures, the Commission is renewing its focus on employment - as witnessed by last week's Employment Summit in Prague, which took a significant step towards more, and better coordinated, action on jobs. The conclusions of the summit will be the basis for a Communication by the Commission, to be presented to the June European Council.
We are developing policies to aid Member States in implementing effective responses to the challenges of job creation and social cohesion.
And we are reinforcing and accelerating the use of Community investment budgets under the Regional Funds to support the hard-pressed construction sector, and the European Social Fund and the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund to support retraining.
In fact, our internal EU solidarity instruments are attracting increasing attention from our global partners, keen to learn from the European model. This includes regional groupings like Mercosur, ASEAN, and SICA - the Central American Integration System.
Two years ago, the four member countries of Mercosur even agreed to create their own supranational development fund - FOCEM - to support the integration process. It is directly inspired by the EU's instruments.
And yesterday and today [11-12 May], representatives from countries and regions from all over the world have been meeting in Brussels in a conference organised by Regional Policy Commissioner Danuta Hübner, to debate and discuss the regional dimension to governance in a globalised world.
A further example of the EU's 'influence by example' is in the area of climate change - also a topic for this conference.
When the Commission's energy and climate change package was formally adopted last month [23 April], Europe once again showed leadership through action, not words - becoming the first region in the world to implement such far-reaching, legally binding climate and energy targets.
The package delivers on EU leaders' commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by at least 20% of 1990 levels and to raise the share of energy consumption provided by renewable resources to 20%, both by 2020. It also contributes to the target of improving energy efficiency by 20%.
Critically, the package lays the basis for increasing the emissions reduction from 20% to 30% in the context of a satisfactory international climate agreement in which other developed and developing countries contribute their fair share to limiting global emissions.
In other words, the EU is not content to simply lead by example: we are actively challenging the global community to share our ambition.
This more proactive approach is crucial, I believe, to achieve an international agreement at the UN Climate Conference in December. It's time to 'seal the deal' in Copenhagen, to demonstrate effective global governance on the defining challenge of our generation. And Europe is showing the way.
Reaching out to the world in this way, in search of new partnerships and effective multilateral strategies, can be seen as a new politics of global engagement by the EU - building on, but reaching beyond, traditional bilateral partnerships.
In the case of climate change, we really had no other choice. In a world where China's annual increase in emissions is greater than Germany's total annual emissions, how can we sit back and content ourselves with action that ends at Europe's borders?
But in other areas too, the challenge for Europe in the coming years will increasingly be one of external projection of EU policies globally. The eventual ratification of the Lisbon Treaty would boost those efforts, in terms of improving the cohesion and efficacy of our external action. However, we need to recognise that the reform of institutions is important, but equally as important is the political will to act.
It is in this context that the European Commission is enhancing its co-operation with the UN and other international fora. The growing roll call of global challenges requiring global solutions - financial instability, development, climate change, pandemics, terrorism - means that inaction is no longer an option.
I wish to emphasise the case of development. We need to meet the Millennium Development Goals. It is a case of both moral responsibility and enlightened self-interest. Europe is also leading here. And, we should not forget the link between climate change and development. The climate change agenda is also a development agenda.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The EU is not just a model for better global governance because it is the first to act - important though that is in encouraging others to act as well. It is the way we act that makes the EU a laboratory for globalisation: consensus among 27 nation-states, decentralised partnerships with regional and local authorities and actors, decisions with legal weight, implementation and enforcement of those decisions, all backed up by the compulsory and automatic jurisdiction of a supranational
court.
In his 1795 treatise Perpetual Peace: a Philosophical Sketch, Immanuel Kant said: "…there is only one way that states…can leave the lawless condition, which involves nothing but war; it is that, like individual human beings, they give up their savage (lawless) freedom, accommodate themselves to public coercive laws and so form an (always growing) state of nations…that would finally encompass all the nations of the earth."
Our Kantian order is indeed a historical achievement. I do not anticipate the same level of political integration in other regions. But I expect more multilateralism and more international cooperation. There are two possible ways. Isolationism, protectionism, and nationalism. Or stronger multilateral institutions and more global rules. We need more globalisation, not less. If you want, more globalisation at the normative level.
The European Union is at the forefront of progress to bring international relations to the realm of lawful order. It represents the triumph of reconciliation over revenge; of cooperation over chaos; of law over violence.
It is the natural starting point for any effort to improve global governance. And to fight for principles and values that for us are very important.
Thank you.
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