Summary: Speech by EU Commissioner Rehn : Enlargement Package 2006 (22 November 2006, Brussels)
Speech by Olli Rehn, Member of the European Commission responsible for Enlargement; "Enlargement Package 2006"; Foreign Affairs Committee, European Parliament
Two weeks ago the Commission adopted a strategy for the EU's enlargement policy, including a special report on the Union's integration capacity. The current enlargement strategy - based on consolidation, conditionality and communication - must be combined with further ways and means to ensure our capacity to integrate new members.
I am concerned that in the current debate, we are often talking past one another in Europe. Some underline only the strategic significance of enlargement for peace and democracy. Others emphasise only internal problems which could reduce our capacity to absorb or integrate new members. If these two discourses carry on in parallel without meeting each other, we risk an increasing confusion in the EU member states, as well as the erosion of our credibility in the candidate countries and thus an
erosion of our ability to influence them.
Therefore, we need to strive for a renewed consensus on enlargement. This new consensus should achieve two things simultaneously: first, it should recognise the strategic value of enlargement - this is about the EU's soft power, ie our power to encourage democratic and economic transformation and extend the zone of peace and liberty in Europe - the heart of the European values; and second, it should ensure our capacity to continue to function while gradually integrating new members. We can
reconcile these two objectives.
Integration Capacity
Integration capacity is a functional concept, not a geographical one. The enlargement in 2004 was carefully prepared through the Commission's Agenda 2000 document (produced already in 1997), which proposed reforms of institutions, policies and the EU budget. It paved the way for the decisions in the following years that led to the successful accession of ten new member states in May 2004.
Now and in the future Integration capacity has several dimensions: institutional, financial, quality-related and democratic dimensions. Let me outline these for you.
We need institutional reform to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the Union. The Commission's view is that a new institutional settlement should have been reached by the time the next new member is likely to be ready to join the Union. It should be concluded prior to the next enlargement, which is likely to be Croatia joining the EU around the end of the decade, provided that the country is able to carry through the required reforms. But we don't need a new institutional settlement
just for further enlargement; we need it to make the current EU function better for the sake of our citizens today, not only in distant future.
We must also assess the budgetary implications and the effects on key policies, in particular on agricultural and cohesion policies. In any case, a budget review, as agreed at the last European Council in June, will be conducted in 2008 or 2009.
We must further improve the quality of the accession process. Candidates must address difficult issues, such as judicial reform and the fight against the corruption, at an early stage in the accession process. This is one of the lessons we have learnt from past enlargements.
We also propose that benchmarks and impact assessments should be used more systematically in the future; we also recommend increasing transparency, openness by making relevant documents public. This is in the hands of the Council and I trust the European Parliament will support this objective.
We need to ensure public support for enlargement, as for any other EU policies. We need to work together to communicate enlargement better. We must listen to our citizens, address their real concerns, and tackle myths with facts. The Commission will play its part. But the member states have the main responsibility for communicating the decisions that they have adopted unanimously in the European Council. The European Parliament and individual MEPs play a valuable part.
When improving the quality of the accession process, we should not create something overly complicated. That would only build artificial blockages into an accession process that is already complicated enough. As you know, this Commission is in favour of simplification, not complication. We must have clear rules and procedures that are understood both by our own citizens and by the countries concerned.
If we are serious in our commitment, as I trust we are, we should realise that keeping the candidate countries motivated is a major challenge. It is in all our interest that they pursue difficult reforms on a road that is bound to be long and to cover several electoral cycles.
In our report the Commission draws attention to the need for further institutional and financial reforms, but we all know that these involve wider policy issues to which the special report alone cannot give an answer. In particular, we are awaiting the German Presidency's launch of the next phase of institutional reform. And the preparation of the review of the financial perspectives is just about to start in the Commission.
All this is a major challenge, but not rocket science. We have done it before, as in Agenda 2000 and we can do it again, if we have the will to do so.
The Commission also assesses progress over the past year in each of the candidate and potential candidate countries. In my introduction here today I limit my comments to the negotiating countries, Croatia and Turkey, but I am ready to discuss developments in all the other countries, if you so wish, during our Q&A session.
Croatia
Croatia has made a good start in the accession negotiations. However, further efforts are needed, in particular as regards judiciary reform, fight against corruption and economic reform. The road towards EU accession goes through substantial reforms - it will not be a walk in the park.
Turkey
In public debate, one may get the impression that Turkey is backtracking on the reforms. This is not the case. Turkey has continued political reforms, even though the pace has slowed down in the past year.
However the reform work has recently been re-launched, as the 9th reform package is currently under way in the Turkish Grand National Assembly. For instance, the Law on Religious Foundations was adopted last week and the law on setting up the Ombudsman already few weeks ago.
Further reforms are needed, especially to ensure freedom of expression. Prime Minister Erdogan has invited civil society organisations to propose amendments to the Penal Code. This is a welcome initiative. In the end, if there is no agreement among the civil society organisations, we expect the government to take its responsibility and bring about a change of the notorious article 301, as part of the 9th reform package, and without delay.
On Cyprus, Turkey is expected to ensure full, non-discriminatory implementation of the Ankara Protocol and remove obstacles to the free movement of goods, including restrictions of transport. If Turkey does not fulfil its obligations, the Commission will make relevant recommendations ahead of the General Affairs Council in December.
The Finnish Presidency has made substantial diplomatic efforts to ensure that Turkey meets its obligations under the Protocol. The Commission fully supports these efforts to unblock the current stalemate.
On a parallel track, and without this being linked to Turkey's obligations, the Presidency intends to find a solution on another deadlock which is the Commission proposal from July 2004, aiming to enable direct trade between the Turkish Cypriot Community and the rest of the EU.
We should all focus our energy on these efforts. It is the last opportunity to make serious progress for some years to come. The Finnish formula would create a genuine win-win situation for both communities and all parties concerned. It would be a major confidence-building measure towards a comprehensive settlement, which we and the UN call for.
Turkey has continued to actively support the efforts of the UN to reach a comprehensive settlement. Last Friday, the UN Under-Secretary General Ibrahim Gambari wrote to the leaders of the two communities, President Papadopoulos and Mr. Talat. In his letter he expressed his disappointment on the lack of progress and I share the disappointment of the UN. The stepwise approach proposed by Mr Gambari is a good basis for both communities in Cyprus to re-engage in serious work leading to a
comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem, so urgently needed.
I appeal to the leaders of both communities, Mr Papadapolous and Mr Talat, to react positively and constructively to the proposals of Mr Gambari. The key of the solution to the Cyprus issue is in their hands.
The December European Council should call for a resumption of the talks on a comprehensive settlement under the UN auspices. It is in the EU's interest to see a reunification of the island and the end of the over 40 years-old conflict on European soil. Such division is unacceptable within our European Union, which is founded on the principles of peace, reconciliation and human rights. Recalling these basics is all the more justified as we approach the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of
Rome.
Conclusion
Let me conclude on what I started with. We face a serious situation. The EU's enlargement fatigue started and became a scapegoat in June 2005, after the two failed referenda on the Constitutional Treaty.
Do you know who cheered most in our immediate neighbourhood after the French and the Dutch referenda? I can tell you: the Turkish nationalists, the Serbian radicals, and the Russian panslavists.
Why? Because they thought that the EU would now turn to itself, would withdraw its commitments, and become too weak to project its soft power of peace, stability and European values in its immediate neighbourhood.
It is our joint mission to prove those radical nationalists wrong by restoring a renewed consensus on EU enlargement.
I trust we are all in this together.
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