EUHR Solana's Speech on The voice of Europe on security matters

Introduction

President, Director, Minister Michel, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you for the kind words of introduction. I am grateful also for the excellent contribution that the Royal Institute for International Relations has made to our work on the European Security Strategy. The Institute is known for its practical approach to international relations. Your contribution has been both practical and timely.

I am glad also to see that we are joined today by representatives from the Aspen Institute in Rome, the EU Institute in Paris and the Institute of International Affairs in Stockholm.

When asked by the European Council to elaborate a Security Strategy, I set out to consult as widely as possible. By tapping into expertise across the European Union and beyond, and by stimulating debate on the security challenges facing us, your Institutes have each made an important contribution to our work.

We are fortunate to have policy institutes of such high calibre at our disposal in the European Union.

Security challenges

We sometimes forget how young is our ambition to build a common foreign and security policy. Let us remind ourselves that we began this task only in 1993, with the entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty. We have achieved a lot in a short time. In the security field, we have created new structures and developed new capabilities. We have deployed those capabilities in the field, in the Western Balkans and in Africa. While much more remains to be done, we know that we are moving from a phase of theory to a phase of practice. We therefore stand on solid ground.

Ten weeks into Belgium's Presidency of the EU, we were confronted with threats more potent and urgent than we had feared. September 11 revealed a world more complex and more dangerous. Our duty is to make a sober assessment of contemporary threats and to devise the most effective strategies to counter these threats.

New dangers can be found in the combinations of threats: terrorism capitalising on the persistence of regional conflicts; criminal organisations acquiring weapons of mass destruction, whether through theft, collaboration with rogue States or the collapse of State structures; collusion between fundamentalists, cyber-terrorists and international criminal organisations. Distant threats have the potential to gravely affect Europe's security.

The world we live in has been dramatically changed in little more than a decade. The geo-strategic scene has been transformed. The process we describe as "globalisation" has facilitated the easy movement of people, goods and ideas, but also of grievances, criminality and weapons. The Union has not stood impassive as the world around it changes. The imminent enlargement of the Union is itself a response to the contemporary challenges, reinforcing political stability and economic security on our own continent. Part of the work of the Inter Governmental Conference is based on the same wish for Europe to play a stronger political role. It is vital that our political project is well adapted to the new international strategic context.

The Iraq crisis has been a painful and divisive experience for Europe, but one that we are determined to learn lessons from. The European Security Strategy is the first comprehensive review, not only of the threats but also of how we can best respond to them. By identifying the threats together, we are better able to deal with them together.

Defining a European voice on security issues

Preparing the first-ever European Security Strategy has both revealed and given further impetus to a remarkable convergence of views on security issues between Member States. An authentic and distinctive European voice in security issues has been confirmed. What are the elements of that voice?

The key elements are clearly reflected in the paper that you have presented to me this evening. And I believe that you will recognise them in the Strategy to be adopted next month by the European Council. Let me recall some of these themes, in no particular order or ranking.

The first theme is responsibility. It is a concept that you have rightly stressed in your contribution. As the EU grows to encompass 25 countries with some 450 million inhabitants producing one quarter of the world's GDP, we have a duty to assume our responsibilities for security - to our own citizens, to our neighbours and, more widely, for global security. We could, in theory, walk away from these responsibilities - but we could not escape the consequences of doing so. But I am convinced that the same reasons that give us responsibilities - our size and interests, our history and values - also equip us to take responsibilities.

A second major theme is neighbourhood. The Middle East is a huge challenge and must lie at the heart of our neighbourhood strategy. Enlargement will transform the eastern border of the Union, which will be to a great part formed by the Polish border with Belarus and the Ukraine. This is a historic step for the entire European continent and presents a unique opportunity to strengthen co-operation with its neighbours to the East. Our task is to promote an arc of well-governed states in our neighbourhood with whom we can enjoy close and co-operative relations, creating a circle of good governance on the perimeter of the Mediterranean to the Caucasus. Countries such as Georgia are neither remote nor distant.

A third theme is multilateralism. It is not enough to say we support multilateralism. We must be prepared to make it work. Making it work means extending the scope of international law. It means strengthening multilateral institutions. It means developing closer regional co-operation. I passionately believe that the security of the EU in the face of global threats can only be safeguarded if the fundamental values enshrined in the UN Charter and other international regimes and treaties are woven into an extensive web of multilateral instruments. And where international order is based on agreed rules, we must be prepared to ensure the respect of these rules when they are broken.

A fourth theme is the need for a comprehensive approach to security, one that pays as much attention to the causes of threats as to their consequences. Globalisation brings more freedom and wealth, but millions have been excluded from its benefits. Globalisation's potential to generate new frustrations must also be addressed. Poverty is not the only source of conflict, nor is it a justification of conflict. But we must recognise that poverty and deprivation are breeding grounds for discontent and anger. A world that is fairer is also a world that is more secure. Some regions - most notably Africa - are caught in a cycle of insecurity where poverty, disease, state failure and violent conflict amplify each other. We cannot afford to ignore these issues. Security is a precondition for development. We must re-double our efforts to combat the great ongoing challenges of extreme poverty, hunger and the new pandemics, breaking the cycles of insecurity and tackling bad governance, corruption and disregard of rule of Law.

A final theme is prevention. Today's threats are dynamic ones. Left alone, they will become more dangerous. The EU must actively counter these threats. It must be ready to act before a crisis occurs. Preventive engagement can avoid more serious problems. Conflict prevention and threat prevention must begin earlier, and our responses must be adapted to the different nature of each threat.

A Europe more active, more capable and more coherent

I have said that responsibility is an important theme in our strategy. How do we shoulder our responsibilities? If our strategy is to be effective, we have to reflect on what the new threat environment means for how we act, for our capabilities, for our coherence and for our partnerships.

First, we have to become more active - politically, diplomatically and in the field.

Second, we have to strengthen our military and civilian capabilities. 25 European States spending 160 billion Euro each year on defence should be able to provide more efficient capabilities. At the same time civilian and diplomatic means are still essential for our success in preventing or managing crises.

Third, we have to be more coherent. The European Union is the only regional organisation with such a wide range of political, diplomatic, humanitarian, economic and financial, police and military instruments. We must co-ordinate them more effectively. A better co-ordination between external actions and those in the field of Justice and Home Affairs will be particularly crucial in the fight against terrorism and organised crime.

More effective partnerships for security

Action, coherence and capability will be vital, but will not be enough unless Europe strengthens relations with its strategic partners. Threats are never more dangerous than when the international community is divided. For this reason in particular, the transatlantic link between Europe, the United States and Canada is irreplaceable. Yesterday, the United States and the European Union celebrated fifty years of diplomatic relations. The nature of the European Union has been transformed during that period, as has the nature of our partnership. For forty of those years we were partners for reasons of geo-political necessity. Today we are partners of choice. As such, we must choose to work together to address our shared responsibilities, since none of us, however powerful, can deal with all the problems alone. Better co-operation is the key to effective multilateralism, and is our best weapon against the threats we jointly face.

NATO is and will remain key to safeguarding our security: not as a competitor but as a strategic partner. We have seen in the Balkans how this partnership can generate results in terms of peace and stability.

A stronger Europe with a common strategic vision will be a more attractive and significant partner for others also - Russia, of course, but also Japan, China, and India. This new Europe will be better placed to contribute to the goals of stability and development in Latin America, in the wider Middle East and in Africa. In the decades to come all of these countries and regions will be key partners in addressing the threats that we have identified.

Conclusion

Let me conclude with a brief word on the follow up to the ESS. I have two ambitions for this document.

First, that it is used as a tool for action, providing both impetus and direction for our future work. I believe that it will be.

Second that it is widely read and discussed. Security is everyone's business. I believe that the European Security Strategy, once adopted by the European Council, will be short, clear and accessible. I hope it will be widely disseminated and read. And I hope that we can count on your support for this.

Thank you.

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